China’s financing and investment spread across 61 BRI countries in 2023 (up...
2024-02-27 31 英文报告下载
Two broad trends have driven the U.S. government’s recent interest in technological decoupling. First, beginning in the mid-2010s, U.S. policymakers and political leaders developed much darker views of China. Previously, most in Washington had believed that China’s rise was largely compatible with and even benefcial to American interests. Although Beijing’s human rights abuses, market distortions, and other behavior were always points of friction, U.S. ofcials in the 1990s and 2000s thought the best solutions were further integration of China into global institutions and deepening of bilateral political and economic engagement.4 Tis ofcial consensus, never without dissenters, eroded and eventually collapsed during the Obama administration.
Major catalysts included China’s militarization of disputed islands and broader military buildup; its unrelenting intellectual property theft and exploitation of international trade rules to move up the economic value chain; its deepening authoritarianism and abhorrent repression of Uyghurs and other minority groups; and its bolder encroachments on Hong Kong and Taiwan.5 Across the board, China seemed increasingly intent on and capable of challenging U.S. interests, values, and visions of global order. Tese developments caused a sea change in U.S. thinking on China. Within a few short years, cautious optimism or ambivalence turned into distress and fear, and most U.S. policymakers came to identify Beijing as America’s primary long-term state threat (see Table 2). As a result, U.S. leaders belatedly started to scrutinize the many ways their country had become dependent on or supportive of China in prior decades—with technology rightly emerging as a central concern.
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